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In particular, it discusses Jakob Wimpheling’s prefatory material to his edition of a medieval classic, Petrus Aureolus’s (1319), which is subtle and discriminating in its appreciation of the Ciceronian and Augustinian strands of Aureolus’s scholarship. an attempt to establish and unite a community of readers around his books, to influence and thus change the ways they understand their faith, the world, and their place in it. Broadly speaking, he gleans vernacular terms and arguments of recent coinage that represent valued practices within a community of practitioners who have distinguished themselves, for better and for worse, as innovators in English. “Childhood, Pedagogy, and the Literal Sense: From Late Antiquity to the Lollard Heretical Classroom.” Scase, Copeland, and Lawton 125-156. “Toward a Social Genealogy of Translation Theory: Classical Property Law and Lollard Property Reform.” Beer 173-183. “Sophistic, Spectrality, Iconoclasm.” Dimmick, Simpson, and Zeeman 112-130. He wants to examine these three topics together because “they all speak to those criteria which are essential for constituting a genuine pope as opposed to a mere pretender” (141). Rather than being a simple tale of heresy and orthodoxy, therefore, this late medieval conflict turned on the question of professional expertise, rights and responsibilities.”] —. The book describes a progression through chapters on Wyclif, Woodford, Netter, Hussite controversies, and Gerson.] —. The Lollard Attribution of the ‘Diuers treateses of Joh. Furthermore, they developed the metaphor in a new way that provided a positive alternative for the illiterate, arguing that the simple and unlearned read not from the book of art but rather from the natural world around them.”] —. “Hot Literacy in Cold Societies: A Comparative Study of the Sacred Power of Writing.” , and Walter Brut’s self-defense at his trial–to “explore the cultural implications of the apocalyptic political expectations and geography” which they exemplify (96). It is argued that the structural and textual development of the tables testifies to a gradual loss of Wycliffite ideological control over the use and design of the English tables of lections. ) Production Under the Looking Glass: The Case of Columbia University, Plimpton Add. Note that much recent work building on Peterson has been published by, especially, Siegfried Wenzel. “Le Prédications Popularies: Les Lollards et le soulèvement des travailleurs angalis en 1381.” demonstrates that Chaucer is very attentive to contemporary political debates. “A New Language of Authority: The Growth of Vernacular Religious Literacy in England during the Later Middle Ages.” Ph D diss. This subjectivity, which makes the Tale similar to other contemporary mystical and devotional texts, defines its distinct vernacularity in contrast to contemporary Lollard texts. “The World Made Flesh: Wycliffite Hermeneutics, Pedagogy, and Polemic.” Ph. This dissertation seeks to examine and describe just such a context, focusing not so much on Wycliffite activity as it does on the rationale that undergirds that activity. “Devotional Literature and Lay Spiritual Authority: Imitatio Clerici in . She notes that at the time that these models were being developed in the later fourteenth century Wyclif was critiquing the traditional orders and “advocated a radical form of identity between lay and priestly practice” (xii). Her conclusion considers several fifteenth-century manuscripts containing these works to show how later compilers envisioned the use of these texts in the wake of Arundel.] Richardson, H.
Start instead with Hudson’s 1988 study of Thomas Netter as a Resource for Contemporary Theology.” Bergström-Allen and Copsey 335-361. “Christ’s Humanity and Piers Plowman: Contexts and Political Implications.” Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2000. “The Sacrament of the Altar in Piers Plowman and the Late Medieval Church in England.” Dimmick, Simpson, and Zeeman 63-80. We must not begin our reading of the poem with the assumption that to set aside the dominant, orthodox representation of the sacrament of the altar is to set aside sacramental theology and the sacrament of the alter–even if that is what orthodox polemic was not claiming” (65, 67).] —. The developments that led to their eventual demise are discussed. Language exists as a material reality because it is a form of social behavior” (1). “Intentionality and Truth-Making: Augustine’s Influence on Burley and Wyclif’s Propositional Semantics.” 45 (2007): 283-97. Throughout , Wyclif rejects the doctrine of transubstantiation because it seems to turn God into a liar. “The Lollards’ Threefold Biblical Agenda.” Bose and Hornbeck 211-226. “University College, Oxford, MS 97 and its Relationship to the Simeon Manuscript (British Library Add. At once constituting heterodoxy and masking it, their discussions of credulity urge a great public awareness of discourse and provide a rhetoric to that end.” Grudin concludes the article with a discussion of credulity in several Canterbury tales.] Gurevich, Aaron. [“This article discusses the difficulty in teaching and translating works by authors Margery Kempe and Julian of Norwich. “English Biblical Texts Before Lollardy and their Fate.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 141-53. [On Partridge’s “Notebook,” describing the contents of the manuscript and how it reveals his turn towards “favouring heretical, Lollard opinions” (44).] —. Furthermore, we will see that Wyclif most often presents a God who is at once just and merciful, extending grace and the possibility of salvation to all” (279-80). “John Wyclif: Christian Patience in a Time of War.” 66.2 (June 2005): 330-357. Minnis characterizes its subject matter as a typical subject of inquiry for scholastic theologians and often compares Wyclif’s views on bodily pleasure, death, and dominion to Aquinas’ writings.] Moessner, Lilo. Wyclif, on the other hand, reads much into the requirement that all our linguistic distinctions should have their basis in extramental reality: our conceptualisations not only pertain to individual substances, but also parallel their distinct ontic layers.”] Spufford, P. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005. [Stanbury situates Chaucer’s representation of images within the Lollard image debate.] —. Katherine, Knighton’s Lollards, and the Breaking of Idols.” Dimmick, Simpson, and Zeeman 131-50. How [Stanbury asks] was the drama of the image shaped by contemporary discourses about images as 46.1 (2015): 249-76. “Inventing Legality: Documentary Culture and Lollard Preaching.” .
Betteridge considers several lollard sermons and the 29.3 (June, 1951): 402-19. “‘Deep is the Heart of Man, and Inscrutable’: Signs of Heresy in Medieval Languedoc.” Barr and Hutchinson 267-80. His theological, legal and political vision of restoring original justice through the spiritual reality and sanctity of persona humana in every man, as well as in the community, by the law of love and the use and enjoyment of dominion in community, is conveyed through abundant quotes from his works.”] Borinski, Ludwig. Following up this suggestion, this article argues that Pecock’s concern with literary and theological method is part of an attempt to recover (and “translate” into a vernacular setting) the vitality of academic discussions from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a period during which the role of argumentation in theology still required explicit consideration and some defence. “Religion and the English Nobility in the Later Fourteenth Century.” . Clerics were not opposed to liturgical representations in churches, but they strove ardently to suppress May games, ludi, festivals, and liturgical parodies. “‘The workman is worth his mede’: Poverty, Labor, and Charity in the Sermon of William Taylor.” . “Authority and the Compiler in Westminster Cathedral Treasury MS 4: Writing a Text in Someone Else’s Words.” . Yet, unlike Ockham, but similar to Marsilius, he did not concede to the papacy the plenitude of power. One significant difference, however, is the way in which reformers in the two periods used the commonplace saying that images are “laymen’s books.” The Lollards, even those who were the most outspoken critics of images, used Gregory the Great’s metaphor to support their positions. “‘First is writen a clause of the bigynnynge therof’: The Table of Lections in Manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible.” 24-25 (2005-06): 343-78. In addition to outlining this broader phenomenon, he analyzes polemical comments in the Bible thought to be owned by Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester (London, British Library, MS Egerton 618) that challenge the sainthood of many canonized by the church.] —. At the same time, she argues that “the laity, despite Duffy’s ‘traditional’ epithet, was far from passive in its religious choices” (3). The study covers a wide range of topics, including religious practices (e.g., marriage) as well as pressing religious issues of the time (the saints, the Old Testament). “‘I Promise a Penny that I do not Promise’: The Realist/Nominalist Debate Over Intentional Propositions in Fourteenth Century British Logic and Its Contemporary Relevance.” 11.4 (Dec. [“The influence of the Lollard movement on the Scottish Reformation was pointed out by John Knox in the sixteenth century; and in the latter part of the nineteenth century the same point was stressed by the Historiographer Royal for Scotland, P. Yet in spite of such illustrious advocacy, with one or two minor exceptions, little attention has been paid to the Wycliffite tradition in fifteenth century Scotland.
[Biller examines the heresies of Languedoc, via several question lists use to interrogate suspected Waldensians, in order to uncover the motivations of the questioners; the nature of the 26 (1995): 135-52. Such concerns culminated in Aquinas’s “rhetorical” sensibility, his engagements with “rational persuasion,” his concern with effective methods of disputation with heretics and infidels and his appreciation of the value of “rationes” in theological discourse.] —. Medieval drama, then, stemmed from a more vernacular tradition than previously acknowledged-one developed by England’s laity outside the boundaries of clerical rule. [This book is about the place of pedagogy and the role of intellectuals in medieval dissent. In order to gain a more complete understanding of Wyclif’s views one must study his place within the exegetical tradition of such important biblical passages as Matthew 16.18-19 and Galatians 2.11-14.” —. is that Wyclif consistently championed the role of the theologian, as opposed to the canon lawyer, in determining questions of papal aptitude. According to the abstract, “What separated them was not the recognition of authority as such, but rather the correct application of that authority. In the 1530s the English reformers used the commonplace in similar ways, but by the 1540s they had rejected it altogether. [Most research on Lollard writings has been targeted at the Wycliffite Bible, the sermons, to the detriment of shorter treatises. [According to Peiloka, “This articles discusses the Middle English tables of lections (tabulae lectionun, capitularis lists of periocopes) – liturgical referential tools found in almost one hundred later-fourteenth / early-fifteenth-century manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible. “Tables of Lections in Manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible.” Poleg and Light 351-378. “Manuscript Paratexts in the Making” British Library MS Harley 6333 as a Liturgical Compilation.” Corbellini, Hoogvliet, and Ramakers 44-67. “Antiquity, Eternity, and the Foundations of Authority: Reflections on a Debate between John Wyclif and John Kenningham, O. London: Society for the Promoting of Christian Knowledge, 1884. Her study emphasizes the development of Christocentric piety during the period, and how this “intersected with the devotional needs of a parish religion in which mystical ecstasy, and ideas of the individual as the bride of Christ, were less important than the pastorally inspired concerns of moral teaching [ . She uses Churchwardens’ accounts, chapel wall paintings, and contemporary texts as sources. Falstaff, Martin Marprelate, and the Staging of Puritanism.” . [This volume was published to coincide with the anniversary of the 1604 Hampton Court conference, which decided to create the King James translation. It has generally been taken for granted that the Lollards were unimportant and possessed little or no influence. [This is a general introduction to Wyclif and Lollardy. Rex controversially argues that Wyclif and the Lollards were far less important than historians and literary critics have often claimed.”] —. From the abstract: “This article re-examines the record and argues that it has been misread.
[“This chapter examines three episodes from the life of the Blessed Virgin which Thomas Netter uses to illustrate various points in his arguments with the Lollards” (335).] —. According to the abstract, “from his death in 1430 until the middle of the eighteenth century, Netter was a much-quoted and copied author whose exposition of Catholic teaching on subjects such as the Church, religious life, and the sacraments proved useful to many Counter-Reformation polemicists and apologists. [Aers is primarily concerned with Langland, but uses Lollardy at several points. “John Wyclif: Poverty and the Poor.” 17 (2003): 55-72. The evidence that the prominent English Wycliffe and a leader of the Hussite movement in Bohemia, Peter Payne, stayed among them between 14 is also reviewed. “Material language practice” includes various choices writers make (about diction, genre, etc.), and Barr examines a variety of texts to show how later medieval writers deployed these practices to produce social commentary. “The Deafening Silence of Lollardy in the Digby Lyric.” Bose and Hornbeck 243-260. [“Walter Burley (1275-c.1344) and John Wyclif (1328-1384) follow two clearly stated doctrinal options: on the one hand, they are realists and, on the other, they defend a correspondence theory of truth that involves specific correlates for true propositions, in short: truth-makers. If God could separate accidents from their proper substances, make Christ’s body appear like mere bread, Wyclif doubts we could ever be sure of anything. [Based on comments in the Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible, Dove describes the Lollards’ biblical agenda as threefold: “to enable simple people to have the Bible (or access to it), to understand it, and to live in accordance with it.” This essay primarily discusses the issue of understanding scripture, comparing statements on literal and figurative interpretation in the Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible with other Middle English treatises on biblical translation, including The Holi Prophete Dauid.] Doyle, A. “Books Connected with the Vere Family and Barking Abbey.” n.s. “Heresy and Literacy: Evidence of the Thirteenth-century Exempla.” Biller and Hudson 104-111. “Richard Rolle’s English Psalter and the Making of a Lollard Tract.” 33 (2002): 294-309. The article suggests that modern readers are unfamiliar with mysticism and that college students would be better served to learn about both authors in a British literature survey course. “Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 647 and its Use, c.1410-2010.” In . [Wyclif was well acquainted with the medieval traditions of just war and crusading articulated by theologians and canon lawyers. [Minnis finds insufficient influence of Nominalism (defined as modern critics have used the term) on Chaucer. [Considers two questions asked of Brut, “whether women are suitable ministers to confect the sacrament of the Eucharist,” and “whether women confect or can confect as true priests the sacrament of the Eucharist” (92). “Translation Strategies in Middle English: The Case of the Wycliffite Bible.” , arguing that they “serve as a call to conversion” (24). “Conciliarism and Heresy in England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 155-165. “The Comparative Mobility and Immobility of Lollard Descendants in Early Modern England.” Spufford 309-31. [Staley’s fascinating work on the relationship between history and literature in the later middle ages turns here to reading, as she says, “the ways in which late-fourteenth-century English writers used, analyzed, and altered the languages of power. [Stanbury begins with Knighton’s description of the 1382 Lollard burning of an statue of St. [Stavsky examines how Wyclif and Wycliffite writers explicated and employed the story of Susanna and the Elders, paying special attention to the politics of such writing, especially manifested in their images of community.
This book is the first survey of the whole of the and it argues that there is more to Netter than anti-Lollard polemic. Aers argues that “we must be careful not to read with the prejudice that it must fit an ‘orthodoxy’ shaped by the Church’s war to eliminate Wycliffite inflections of Christianity. [The essay, a contribution to a special section on “Langland and Lollardy,” argues that, contrary to opinion of some scholars, Langland and Wyclif didn’t entirely agree on the subjects of evangelical poverty and attention to the contemporary poor. [Aers begins with orthodox accounts of the sacrament of the altar in order to think about the place of sanctification and signs in works by William Langland, John Wyclif, Walter Brut, and William Thorpe. The author concludes by exploring when the Hussites ceased to exist as a discrete cultural community in Moldavia.”] —. [Barr examines literary texts “as examples of socioliterary practice. [Barr examines the noteworthy absence of references to Lollardy in an early fifteenth-century series of lyric poems extant in Bodleian Library MS Digby 102. 92, a collection he compiled of work by John Tarteys, Robert Allington, William Milverly, Richard Lavenham, and a few anonymous tracts. Both characteristics are interdependent: such a conception of truth requires a certain kind of ontology. All natural knowledge, perhaps even all religious knowledge, would be lost. [Richard Rolle’s English Psalter was frequently copied and, by the early fifteenth century, was a source of religious controversy, as one writer complained that Lollard scribes had contaminated an otherwise orthodox text by introducing heretical glosses. Also evaluated is the benefit of studying Kempe alongside “The Wife of Bath’s Tale,” by Geoffrey Chaucer.”] Hall, L. ,’ Lollard Socio-textual Ideology, and Ricardian-Lancastrian Prose Translation.” Copeland 244-263. Yet he had become disillusioned with a Christian society that exploited these traditions to pursue destructive policies of repression and conquest, thereby forsaking the eternal Law of Christ. Langland’s consideration of Nominalism, especially concerning baptism and Trajan, is more ambiguous, though Minnis believes that Langland “avoided both Neopelagianism and Wycliffite predestinarianism by constructing a Trajan who is given full credit for his ‘truthe’ yet needs some help from a saint” (64). Minnis uses these to consider “the formulation of one issue which arose in the course of the debate: the proposed connection between two ways in which Christ’s body was made, through conception and through confection” (94). .’: Walter Brut in Debate on Women Priests.” Barr and Hutchinson 229-49. [The starting point for Minnis’s discussion is Donatism–whether a priest in sin can even so validly perform sacraments. There is no need for the saying of banns, the presence of a priest, or, indeed, for the expression of vows by the couple who are joining together in holy matrimony. She emphasizes that this is a work of spiritual instruction, in which Kempe’s oral learning is presented during the accusations. [This essay touches on Lollardy only briefly, but serves to place it within the larger range of sermon studies in the last quarter century. [To understand Gascoigne’s pessimism about reform, Russell asks whether “the English ever placed their hopes in the efficacy of the general council as a reforming body.” Focusing primarily on Netter’s . Moreover, I seek to understand the nuances and purposes of courtly address by reading literary works within the contexts of historical and explicitly political texts that sought to organize and define the events of the age and by using literary works to provide a context for those events we call ‘history.’ This book isolates and traces what is an actual search for a language of power during the reign of Richard II and scrutinizes the ways in which Chaucer and other writers participated in these attempts to articulate the concept of princely power” (ix). Katherine to argue for a materialist consideration of “the relationship between the image debate as it developed in later fourteenth-century England and the circulation or entailment of images as forms of property.
This page is kept as one file to allow word searches of the whole list at once (use the “Find” command in your browser). One of her books included a copy of a glossed Psalter, apparently Rolle’s English commentary, and her relations included Sir John de Cobham, whose granddaughter Joan married John Oldcastle (ch. Chapter 5 describes the book reading and ownership circles around the anchoress Katherine Mann and Abbess Elizabeth Throckmorton in the 1520s, both of whom owned the writings of Tyndale, the former receiving her copy of the 52 (1985): 159-70. “Wyclif’s Logic and Wyclif’s Exegesis: the Context.” Walsh and Wood 287-300. “Wyclif on Literal and Metaphorical.” Hudson and Wilks 259-66. “English Provincial Constitutions and Inquisition into Lollardy.” Flannery and Walker 45-59. This recovered tradition of women’s preaching revises scholarship on the medieval period that attributes women’s authority to visionary rather than textual knowledge, and reveals a new sphere of women’s eloquence on a par with Renaissance humanism.”] Gethyn-Jones, J. “John Trevisa—An Associate of Nicholas Hereford.” . Examining Latin and English sources, Ghosh shows how the same debates over biblical hermeneutics and associated methodologies were from the 1380s onwards conducted both within and outside the traditional university framework, and how, by eliding boundaries between Latinate biblical speculation and vernacular religiosity, Lollardy changed the cultural and political positioning of both. It is here that Pecock’s works,” Ghosh continues, “can help us to refine and nuance our understanding of ‘Lollardy'” (252). to turn on its head the ‘Averroistic’ identification of happiness with the philosophical life and its associated methodologies” (257). [Gillespie begins with a brief discussion of Birgittine history and spirituality to discuss how and why the Syon community contained many Wycliffite (and anti-Wycliffite) works, and why it would have been interested in both the academic and popular aspects of Wycliffism.] —.“Chichele’s Church: Vernacular Theology in England after Thomas Arundel.” Gillespie and Ghosh 3-42. The papal decretal “Exiit qui seminat” was designed to protect the mendicant life of the Franciscan Order, extolling that life as the highest expression of Christian perfection. Reformation and Renaissance in the Spirituality of Late Medieval England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 55-72. Gould’s theory of biological evolution, as well as to the work of queer theorists Glenn Burger and Steven Kruger, Sargent applies a “preposterous” theory of history to late medieval spirituality, drawing attention to the complexity and diversity that defies binaristic descriptions of orthodoxy and heterodoxy.] —. The manuscript is a fifteenth century English Codex which was bound in the earlier decades of the seventeenth century. Again pending further study, neither do Wyclif’s views appear to assign philosophically extreme or novel roles to the entities he does recognize as universal. not simply the excesses of ecclesiastical bureaucracies and royal courts but the very relations of textuality,” thereby offering “a set of tropes to discuss the rhetorical, evidentiary, and foundational claims of official texts” (186-87).] —. Steiner explains that the distinctive rhetoric, material form, and ritual performance of legal documents offered writers of Chaucer’s generation and the generation succeeding him a model of literary practice. A comparison of [Johann Wiclef’s] theses and Johannes von Tepl’s disputation demonstrates that the dialogue between the ‘Ackermann’ and death shows Wiclef’s influence. [Along with Usk, James I, Charles d’Orléans, and George Ashby, Summers in one chapter discusses two Wycliffite writers, William Thorpe and Richard Wyche. Wyche and Thorpe construct a favourable literary identity through intertextual reference, notably by inviting comparisons with hagiographic figures. [This is a popular text, both in complete and re-compiled forms.
Under any one author’s name, works are listed in chronological order of publication. Covering a wide range of texts–scholastic and extramural, in Latin and in English, written over half a century from Wyclif to Netter–Ghosh concludes that by the first half of the 15th century Lollardy had partly won the day. “Reginald Bishop Pecock and the Idea of ‘Lollardy.'” Barr and Hutchinson 251-65. Ghosh examines how Lollardy maintained some intellectual coherence, some aspects of Pecock’s “reimagined scholastic thought” in his debates with Lollardy, and moves at the end towards characterizing mid-fifteenth-century Lollardy and how it might “relate to late medieval politics of biblical interpretation” (253).} —. Ghosh examines “Wyclif’s meta-discursive engagement with scholastic episteme, especially the status of the arts in education. Second, Wyclif introduces the discourse of ‘happiness’ in relation to . Logic is crucial to understanding the impact of this critique on vernacular Lollardy since it lies at the core of his definition of “scriptural logic.” “This was one aspect of his thought,” Ghosh argues, “taken up most enthusiastically by his followers” (258); he examines how in the tract . [Gillespie argues that the recent focus on Arundel’s Constitutions has obscured the influence of the Council of Konstanz on the fifteenth-century English church. [From the abstract: “[W]as there a uniquely and identifiable northern culture that responded differently than the south to heresy and to religious concerns? “English Views on the Reforms to be Undertaken in the General Councils (1400-1418) with special reference to the proposals made by Richard Ullerston.” D. It was not intended to function as a blueprint for the entire clergy.] —. “The Lollard Trail: Some Clues to the Spread of Pre-Protestant Religious Dissent in Scotland, and its Legacy.” 33 (2003): 1-34. “A rhetorical study of selected English sermons of John Wycliff.” Diss., Northwestern University, 1969. “Minor Devotional Writings.” Edwards and Pearsall 147-175. The binding encompasses three Middle English texts: a Wycliffite New Testament, a lectionary for Dominicals and Ferials, and a text on planting and grafting.”] Shettle, G. On the contrary, by at least one measure, his theory of universals is less extreme than Walter Burley’s, as Wyclif himself observes. “Friar Richard ‘Of Both Sexes.'” Barr and Hutchinson 13-31. “Lollardy and the Legal Document.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 155-174. The study covers a wide variety of medieval texts including sermons and trial records, 93.3 (July, 2009): 471-479. This is supported as the writer disregards the invocation of the saints and the worship of the Virgin Mary in his disputation. “The following chapters,” Summers says in her introduction, “examine how each author’s predicament of persecution and imprisonment precipitates and even prescribes the politial nature of his literary self-portrayal” (3). Furthermore, the texts are designed to oppose and counter the printed word and propoganda of the Church with Lollardy’s own authoritative texts” (112). Arguing for a later date, nearer to the 1408 than 1382, than its editors Bazire and Colledge considered, Sutherland reads the text attending to the fact that the text was written “at a time of acute anxiety regarding the translation of the Bible and the role of the vernacular in theological discourse” (354). The volume was endowed to the chapel but it isn’t known whether it actually resided there. as an overtly heretical or threatening text” (107).] —.
Two key chapters in the book for the study of Wycliffite texts are chs. [Arnold argues that, “on the basis of some lexical and manuscript analysis, that there is a greater influence of continental inquisitorial discourse on English heresy prosecutions than has been previously recognized. [According to the abstract, “this dissertation recovers Shakespeare’s Sir John Falstaff as a politically radical character, linked to Jack Cade and the plebian revolutionaries of 2 Henry VI , and to 16th-century radical-egalitarian movements including Anabaptism and the “Family of Love.” Working from the earliest texts dealing with Sir John Oldcastle, Falstaff’s historical precedent, this work explores the radical potential of reform beginning with the work of the late-14th-century Oxford theologian John Wyclif. Introducing a radical new understanding of these plays as ‘sacramental theater,’ Beckwith shows how organizing the plays served as a political mechanism for regulating labor, and how theater and sacrament combined in them to do important theological work. But if words do have to be pronounced, then the appropriate formula should not be in the present, but in the future. Warham’s policy combined anti-heresy activity with attempts at clerical reform. Her appendices alone are included on the Bibliography of Primary Sources. “Vernacular Books in England in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries.” 91 (1921): 59-77. “The Significance of the Lollard Bible: The Ethel M. Wyclif’s deepest reasons for rejecting orthodox Eucharist theology really only begin to make sense against this broader background of theological debate.] Despres, Denise. The author concludes that, while manuscript variation undoubtedly raised suspicion, the “heresy” of the English Psalter should also be seen as the product of historical change, as an ambitious vernacular text collided with a church hierarchy that was increasingly aware of the need of-and difficulty in-controlling any authoritative religious text in English.] Gwynn, A. [“In this paper, the process of the merger [between religious and secular authority to defeat the social threat of Lollardy] will be examined through: an analysis of Lollard doctrine and the resultatnt activities that held inherent social implications; the allegations made by the movement’s enemies that created fear in the secular community that Lollardy was a threat to social regulation and harmony; and the resultant legislative changes which finally categorised Lollardy as subversion.”] Hague, Dyson. Even where a nation might have a just claim, the better path is always the way of Christ, suffering evil patiently rather than inflicting sufferings upon one’s neighbor.] —. According to Levy’s abstract for this article, “John Wyclif envisioned an ideal church that could be created in his own day, based on the model of the earliest apostolic community depicted in the New Testament. “Acts of Vagrancy: The C Version ‘Autobiography’ and the Statute of 1388.” Justice and Kerby-Fulton 208-317. Minnis describes several responses by Woodforde to this. [Ng argues that “what is most significant in this history [of the Reformation] is the continuity from the late medieval to the early modern period of the subversiveness of translation, when possession of the vernacular scripture could condemn one as a heretic and vernacular writings other than scripture were perceived as dangerous, always potentially heretical.
This has a number of implications for how one might reconsider the English trial evidence, some of which are briefly explored in the essay.”] Asaka, Yoshiko. She argues, for instance, that the theology of Corpus Christi in the resurrection plays can only be understood as a theatrical exploration of eucharistic absence and presence. In the following, I shall discuss Wyclif’s arguments by comparing them with some other medieval positions, as well as with some elements of contemporary theories of speech acts. [This is a study of Walsingham, not just a historican but also a classical scholar. Moreover, he sought to publicize and publicly refute the errors of the heretics, eschewing show trials and burnings. Wood Lecture Delivered before the University of London on 13 March, 1951.” Pamphlet. in 1413 in order to articulate his criticism of the Christian community of his day and the proclaim his evangelical vision of the Church. in 1550 because he was a follower of heretic John Wyclif, whose teachings were similar to beliefs expounded in the poem. The church of the late fourteenth century would come to resemble the ecclesia primitiva, a poor communion of fellow workers marked by charity and humility. One of them is to say, with a reductive literalism, that “Tobit had a dog” is not conducive to salvation (48).] —. The subversiveness of translation arises not only out of its status as a heretical text or its use to mount challenges to clerical and secular political authority.
He emphasizes continuities in the two works’ pastoral aims, countering Nicholas Watson’s assertion that the two works address lay readers in contrasting ways.] —. [This book considers the relationship between the church, society and religion across five centuries of change. [The essay discusses Wyclif’s use of Wisdom , a passage of scripture that, according to Campi, Wyclif regarded as “the most difficult verse in the whole of scripture…due to the theoretical content it conveys, which relates to the issue of the creative, legislative and redemptive order imposed by God.”] —. Sharpe substantially shares the metaphysical view and principles of the other Oxford Realists, but he elaborates a completely different semantics, since he accepts the nominalist principle of the autonomy of thought in relation to the world, and Ockham’s explanation for the universality of concepts. This article seeks to shed some light on this issue through an analysis of the text “Of Mynystris in the Chirche,” a commentary on Matthew 24 and one of the longest Lollard discussions of the Bible’s eschatological prophecies. Raschko examines how the Lollard writers direct this conventional social model to reformist ends.] —.
“The Letter of Richard Wyche: An Interrogation Narrative.” PMLA 127.3 (2012): 626-642. Brown examines how the teachings of an increasingly universal Church were applied at a local level and how social change shaped the religious practices of the laity. of the New Testament, in the Scottish dialets, in the possession of Lord Amherst of Hackne, on examination proves to be a Scottish rescension of Wyclif’s version.”] Bruce, Frederick F. “‘In ipso sunt idem esse, vivere, et intelligere’: Notes on a Case of Textual Bricolage.” pertaining to divine being, life, and thought. Unfortunately, this semantic approach partially undermines his defence of realism, since it deprives Sharpe of any compelling semantic and epistemological reasons to posit universalia in re. “Annihilatio e divina onnipotenza nel Tractatus de universalibus di John Wyclif.” Brocchieri and Simonetta 71-85. “Categories and Universals in the Later Middle Ages.” In Lloyd A. as an anti-Lollard critique by showing how artisans and Lollards were seen as reflections of each other.] Copeland, Rita. Specifically, this article points to a correspondence between a tension at the heart of Lollard attitudes to the theory and practice of scriptural exegesis and a tension at the heart of Lollard perspectives on end times events. “Oon of Foure: Harmonizing Wycliffite and Pseudo-Bonaventuran Approaches to the Life of Christ.” Johnson and Westphall 341-373.
Finally: included because they are the best, or even because they are right. “After Arundel: The Closing or the Opening of the English Mind? [Refuting the claim that Arundel’s Constitutions muted England’s intellectual culture in the fifteenth century, Catto argues that “there is abundant evidence of vitality on the part of the educated laity and their largely monastic suppliers of spiritual instruction.” He considers the shift away from speculative theology in light of a larger continental tradition and discusses Parisian influences on Lancastrian literature.] Catto, Jeremy, Pamela Gradon, and Anne Hudson. Furthermore, the notion of ens logicum (as intermediate between statements and facts) will be compared to Walter Burley’s propositio in re of which it appears to be a close analogon. “‘And my boonus had dried vp as critouns’: The History of the Translation of Psalm 101.4.” . The city of York was more proactive than reactive, preventing heresy from taking hold in the city or diocese by presenting an actively reforming church.”] Gregory, D. “The Preachers’s Reading of Early English Literature.” 35.2 (2000): 204-222. This means that we will first discuss the related questions of divine will and human freedom, and their impact upon his soteriology. Minnis considers Sir Lewis Clifford, William White, Wyclif (the ), Netter, and Pecock in his discussion.] —. The substances are the ultimate foundation of all these expressions.